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Vienna, Austria

Luken R.A.,UNIDO | Van Berkel R.,Resource Efficient and Cleaner Production Unit | Leuenberger H.,Environmental Management Branch | Schwager P.,Resource Efficient and Cleaner Production Unit
Journal of Cleaner Production

In the framework of their joint global Cleaner Production Programme, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization and the United Nations Environment Programme officially established the first eight National Cleaner Production Centres in 1995. In 2015 there are 58 centres operating in 56 countries. This article, based on a 2014 structured questionnaire completed by 41 out of the 50 centres established between 1995 and 2011, reports on how their expectations about a world-wide programme played out over the 20 years since its official launch. Two of their twelve expectations were exceeded; five were met; two were partially met and two were not met. Four unanticipated activities expanded the environmental services provided by the centres. Meeting the two documented unmet expectations - that the services should green entire industrial sectors and result in measurable improvements in environmental quality - will require the centres to deepen their effective impact on entire industrial sectors by scaling up the application of Cleaner Production and mainstreaming its policy, financial and related incentives. They will need to take on catalytic roles in nationally significant strategies for the resource-efficient greening of industry, which would require finding a balance between public good service delivery, aimed at putting cleaner production and resource efficiency on the agenda of industry, and applied sector and company specific service delivery for revenue generation and the benefit of companies. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Source

Cantore N.,UNIDO | Cali M.,The World Bank | Velde D.W.T.,Overseas Development Institute (ODI)
Energy Policy

Does a trade-off exist between energy efficiency and economic growth? This question underlies some of the tensions between economic and environmental policies, especially in developing countries that often need to expand their industrial base to grow. This paper contributes to the debate by analyzing the relationship between energy efficiency and economic performance at the micro- (total factor productivity) and macro-level (countries' economic growth). It uses data on a large sample of manufacturing firms across 29 developing countries to find that lower levels of energy intensity are associated with higher total factor productivity for the majority of these countries. The results are robust to a variety of checks. Suggestive cross-country evidence points towards the same relation measured at the macro-level as well. © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. Source

Suha Yazici M.,UNIDO
Energy Procedia

International Center for Hydrogen Energy Technologies (ICHET) has been successfully promoting hydrogen and fuel cell technologies in Turkey. In addition to technology demonstrations, short-courses are affectively utilized throughout the country. A series of capacity building activities designed to increase the knowledge and awareness of engineering students, researchers, educators and policy makers has been implemented. Meeting activities include short courses, technology specific workshops and conferences, project sponsorships and summer schools. System integration for prototype demonstrations forms the basis for hand-on practical learning through university-industry collaboration in the laboratory. All these activities facilitate knowledge transfer, exchange of information at regional, national and international levels and involve academics, researchers, experts and service providers to further develop their knowledge and interest on hydrogen energy technologies in Turkey. © 2012 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Source

Otegbayo B.O.,Bowen University | Asiedu R.,International Institute Of Tropical Agriculture | Bokanga M.,UNIDO
Journal of Food Processing and Preservation

The effects of storage (4months) on the chemical composition of yam tubers and its relation to textural quality of a major yam food product (pounded yam) were studied using six varieties of Dioscorea rotundata and D.alata. Chemical composition of both freshly harvested tubers and those stored for 4months were determined by standard methods of analysis. Sugar, nonstarchy carbohydrate and dry matter contents of the tubers increased during storage while the starch, fat and protein contents decreased. Pounded yam made from stored yam tubers were of better textural quality than those from freshly harvested ones. Storage of yam tubers could be an effective way of improving the textural quality of pounded yam. This is important for processing yam tubers into value-added products. © 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Source

Crawled News Article
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Amanda Janoo on the three major obstacles that must be overcome in order to make industrial policy in developing countries more successful. In recent years, we have seen the reemergence of industrial policy, which can broadly be understood as the molding and directing of the economy by the state in line with its societal objectives. However, despite industrial policy’s comeback and the acknowledgement of the failures of the “free market”, “growth-first” approach to development, we have not yet seen many states breaking the mould and implementing radically different economic policy agendas. What then is inhibiting greater experimentation and self-determination in industrial policymaking? And how can developing countries move towards more successful and innovative industrial policies in the future? As a way of stimulating debate, I suggest that there are three major obstacles that must be overcome in order to make industrial policy in developing countries more successful: Beware bad economic advice One of the primary challenges facing industrial policymakers in developing countries is the constant bombardment of economic advice which simply replicates past development failures. Most developing countries would like to utilize industrial policy to tackle the most pressing socio-economic issues facing their populations, such as high underemployment, poverty or economic volatility. However, the majority of economists are still peddling the same market-freeing policy prescriptions (e.g. trade liberalization, economic deregulation and privatization of state-owned enterprises) which dominated development for the past three decades and which delivered disappointing societal outcomes. An industrial policy practitioner from a sub-Saharan African country recently expressed her frustration with the “industrial experts” who keep coming in and telling them to liberalize trade. “What is the point of more trade if we don’t produce anything?” she sighed with exasperation. With a growing demand for industrial policy advice, economists are increasingly re-packaging the same “free market”, “business enabling environment” agendas under the stamp of industrial policy. The past three decades have illustrated the strengths and weaknesses of this approach and if developing countries wish to experiment with new policy prescriptions oriented towards new objectives they would be wise to learn through trial and error, rather than depending on economic advice, which derives from the same abstract, outdated models. Beware of those who would do the work for you There is no shortage of development agencies and private consultancies which say that they have identified the best practice and can provide you with a golden ticket to economic prosperity if you simply stand aside and let them get to work. Across the globe, industrial policies are being crafted, drafted and implemented by bi-lateral and multilateral development agencies which believe that what worked in Country A will work in Countries B-Z. At best, these programmes lead to an over-reliance on development agencies, as the logic underpinning them is not embedded in the local government and therefore lacks sustainability. At worst, the programmes completely disregard the development objectives of the country in question and are simply based on the ideology or interests of the implementing party. In both situations, developing country governments are once again made spectators of their own economic transformation, which defeats the point of industrial policy altogether. Beware roaming capital One of the greatest challenges facing industrial policy in developing countries is that the space to institute effective regulatory or taxation policies is constrained by the allure of foreign direct investment (FDI), the threat of relocation if their demands are not met and, perhaps most importantly, the idea that they can never compete with the economic giants even if they try. This approach only highlights the benefits of a globally fragmented production system, suggesting that now countries can easily insert themselves into global value chains without having to build their own competitive industries from scratch. However, this argument denies the very important fact that, by “chasing FDI”, developing countries become passive recipients of the manias and innocent victims of the panics which characterize global business and financial flows. Due to their weak negotiating position, they are frequently exposed to high risks with little prospect of reward. The success of industrial policy in developing countries will be greatly enhanced by recognition of the wealth latent in their own national value chains and of their right and responsibility to limit foreign presence when it infringes on their capacity to build an economy which serves their populations’ needs. Industrial policy provides a unique opportunity for developing countries to assert greater self-determination over the shape and form of economic development and to pioneer new blueprints for the better world we envision. However, the space for innovative industrial policy is being constrained by external influences which come under the guise of benevolent economists, development agencies and transnational corporations. To enhance the success of industrial policy, developing country governments should strive to emancipate themselves from these influences so that they have the space to experiment and adapt their industrial policy programmes in a manner which serves the needs and desires of their society. Amanda Janoo works for The Industrial Policy Organization. She was previously an industrial policy analyst in UNIDO’s Industrial Policy Advice Unit. Prior to joining UNIDO, she worked in India and Indonesia on issues relating to economic development, employment generation and enterprise development.

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