Swedish Institute of International Affairs

Stockholm, Sweden

Swedish Institute of International Affairs

Stockholm, Sweden
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Newlove-Eriksson L.,KTH Royal Institute of Technology | Eriksson J.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs
Globalizations | Year: 2013

How is outer space governed? This article argues that private authority is gaining salience in space politics, even with respect to the traditionally state-centric security and military aspects of space. Further, while commercial actors have always played a role in space programs, three significant changes can be detected: transnational conglomerates and consortia as opposed to individual corporations are emerging as key partners in space politics; private partners are gaining stronger and wider responsibilities for the development and management of space programs (including manned spaceflights); and public accountability is increasingly at stake due to a widening of security in space policy. The latter development includes a blurring of key distinctions between military and civilian usage (also referred to as dual-use or dual-role application), as well as between the public and private realms. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

Knudsen O.F.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs | Hassler B.,Södertörn University College
Marine Policy | Year: 2011

The article takes as its point of departure the apparently contradictory findings in recent research about accident rates in shipping and IMO implementation records. It is argued here that although IMO conventions have probably greatly improved shipping safety, they cannot credibly be held to be the chief cause of reduced accident rates as claimed in a recent Marine Policy article, when the documented failures of flag state and port state implementation continue to leave vessels sailing with grave deficiencies. The present analysis posits and corroborates a cluster of linked tendencies that jointly undermine IMO implementation. The core problem is IMO's weak connection to the national maritime administrations, leading to broadly discretionary practices, exacerbated by language difficulties. Adding new rules is no panacea, as new rules in some cases negatively affect the functioning of existing regulations, and sometimes seem motivated mainly to show political alertness. The structural weakness of the IMO/member state link is the core implementation problem that urgently needs to be dealt with if marine safety is to be improved. The concluding section proposes a reform to bring the IMO out of this conundrum and ensure effective implementation. © 2010 Elsevier Ltd.

Brattberg E.,Johns Hopkins University | Brattberg E.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs
Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management | Year: 2012

Over a decade after September 11, American citizens are still asking themselves: 'how much safer are we today?' This question is also pertinent for scholars seeking to understand the post-September 11 homeland security reforms. This paper, drawing on the public administration literature and using Don Kettl's 'contingent coordination' framework, sets out to discuss how well these efforts have addressed the central coordination challenges posed by homeland security. In doing so, it makes two contributions: one methodological (e.g., operationalizing the contingent coordination framework) and one empirical (e.g., assessing the effectiveness of post-9/11 homeland security reforms). The paper concludes with an overall assessment of how to find ways to further strengthen the capacity of the US homeland security system. © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Brattberg E.,Johns Hopkins University | Brattberg E.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs
Peace Review | Year: 2012

The end of the Cold War witnessed a plethora of new civil wars springing up across the world, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Marked by ethnic strife and multiple warring parties, many of these so-called "new wars" were accompanied by a mixture of humanitarian emergencies, large-scale human rights violations, the collapse of law and order, and the decay of functioning governments. In response to these challenges, the United Nations (UN) launched a series of new peacekeeping missions during the 1990s and early 2000s. The results of these missions were mixed, at best. Of course, the inability of the UN to bring about sustainable peace across conflict-ridden states was not entirely surprising considering the dire circumstances facing many of these missions. What is more remarkable is not that the UN failed miserably in so many of these missions but that, in a few cases, it actually succeeded in putting an end to violence, thus paving the way for sustainable peace. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

Reischl G.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs
Ecological Economics | Year: 2012

The risk of interacting planetary boundaries highlights the challenge for contemporary institutional structures. This article shines light on the need to better understand how regime complexes manage overlaps. In developing this understanding, the article explores overlaps and coordination in the forest regime complex. By examining the work of an informal high level agency, the Collaborative Partnership on Forests, the article investigates how coordination in a dense regime complex could be achieved. In pursuing this analysis, the article draws lessons for how to manage increasingly complex problems that interacting planetary boundaries could give rise to. The article draws on the literatures of institutional interplay and institutional design in order to understand the more subtle forms of institutional decision-making. The article shows that there are many overlaps among international institutions with forest related mandate, and identifies the innovative mechanism as important in managing these linkages, although it does not take part in actual decision-making. In sum, the article's findings suggest that carefully designed mechanisms might be one way to, if not to overcome, at least to facilitate the institutional response of governance challenges in the complex setting of planetary boundaries. © 2012 Elsevier B.V.

Knudsen O.F.,Swedish Institute of International Affairs
Energy Policy | Year: 2010

In the environmentally exposed Baltic Sea, a prolonged confrontation has set the transport interests of Russian crude oil against environmental interests, promoted by Russia's neighbours. During the 1990s all the Baltic littoral states - including Russia - collaborated well on marine environmental issues. When Russian oil exports accelerated after 1999, this environmental understanding broke down. Russian interests shifted as its oil income suddenly rose drastically. The confrontation peaked over a proposal to make the entire Baltic Sea into a particularly sensitive sea area (PSSA) under the International Maritime Organization (IMO). The proposal was adopted by the IMO in spite of Russian objections. The article shows how environmental interests trump transport interests in a manner that may not be sustainable. The case illustrates the need for environmental collaboration to be flexible in the face of shifting constellations of competing interests. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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