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SOAS, University of London ) is a public research university in London, United Kingdom. Founded in 1916, SOAS has produced several heads of state, government ministers, ambassadors, Supreme Court judges, a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, and many other leaders in emerging markets.Located in the heart of Bloomsbury in central London, SOAS describes itself as the "world's leading institution for the study of Asia, Africa and the Middle East", and is consistently ranked amongst the top universities in the UK.It specialises in humanities, languages and social science relating to Asia, Africa and the Middle East, and is a constituent college of the University of London. It offers around 350 undergraduate Bachelor's degree combinations, and over 100 one-year intensively taught Master's degrees. MPhil and PhD research degrees are also available in every academic department. Wikipedia.

Pallister-Wilkins P.,School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Antipode | Year: 2011

This article seeks to address the joint Israeli and Palestinian activism that has developed in response to the building of the separation barrier or what I will term the "Separation Wall" and to argue that the tactics of resistance witnessed are informed by the networks of power bound up in and represented by the physical structure of the Wall. It will aim to draw connections between physical realities and the hidden relations they represent and the act of resistance by suggesting that the Separation Wall offers not only a site of resistance in a world of increasingly invisible and multi-factorial power, but that the networks of power it represents call for specific forms of resistance. These specific forms focus on direct action over more traditional modes of claim-making undertaken by state-based social movements premised on a liberal understanding of representative politics. © 2011 The Author Antipode © 2011 Editorial Board of Antipode. Source

Goodhand J.,School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Disasters | Year: 2010

This paper focuses on the 'Sri Lankan model' of counter-insurgency and stabilisation and its implications for humanitarian and development actors. The Sri Lanka case shows that discourses, policies and practices associated with 'stabilisation' are not confined to 'fragile state' contexts in which there is heavy (and often militarised) international engagement-even though exemplars such as Afghanistan and Iraq have tended to dominate debates on this issue. Rather than being a single template, the 'stabilisation agenda' takes on very different guises in different contexts, presenting quite specific challenges to humanitarian and development actors. This is particularly true in settings like Sri Lanka, where there is a strong state, which seeks to make aid 'coherent' with its own vision of a militarily imposed political settlement. Working in such environments involves navigating a highly-charged domestic political arena, shaped by concerns about sovereignty, nationalism and struggles for legitimacy. © 2010 The Author(s). Journal compilation © Overseas Development Institute, 2010. Source

Oya C.,School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Journal of Agrarian Change | Year: 2012

The paper provides a selective survey of the most significant literature on the rise of contract farming in developing countries, with a focus on sub-Saharan Africa. The review of the literature illustrates ideological debates around the meaning and significance of contract farming and whether it is good or bad for small-scale farmers. The paper then divides the review of the literature into three key themes. First, it addresses the quantitative significance of contract farming in Africa, which may not be as important as it is often portrayed. Second, the paper highlights the substantial diversity of contract farming in Africa and problems with excessive generalizations. Third, it discusses the various drivers fuelling the spread of contract farming, which reflect new production conditions and existing constraints, tendencies and counter-tendencies, and both economic and political responses to changes in production and market conditions in the era of liberalization and globalization. The variety of drivers is substantial and defies generalizations about the emergence of contract farming. Finally, it briefly suggests research questions that tend to be absent in most of the literature on contract farming, and which are important in order to understand the current dynamics of agrarian change and transitions to capitalism in African countries. © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Source

Dorward A.,School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Development Policy Review | Year: 2011

The 2008 spike in world grain prices is widely recognised to have had serious impacts on food security and poverty, but these high grain prices are commonly described as low in historical terms - an inconsistency resulting from the use of advanced- and global-economy price indices in calculating real prices. This ignores the high share of food in poor people's expenditures and the indirect effects of income growth on expenditure patterns of rich consumers. Poor consumers have not experienced the same falls in real food prices and are more vulnerable to price shocks. Different price indices must be developed to take account of differences between consumer groups. © The Author 2011. Development Policy Review © 2011 Overseas Development Institute.. Source

Banaji J.,School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Journal of Agrarian Change | Year: 2016

My paper underscores the theoretical contribution of an early essay by Henry Bernstein, ‘Notes on Capital and Peasantry’, published in 1977. It uses the ideas in that essay to construct a general argument about the ways in which capitalism dominates household producers. The first section summarizes the arguments of Bernstein's essay and relates them to key passages of A.V. Chayanov's work. The second section builds a model of how commercial capitalism worked in the produce trades of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The third section proposes a wider taxonomy, where the differences between commercial and industrial capital and their respective forms of domination of the countryside are laid out. The key category here is vertical integration as a form/strategy of accumulation chiefly characteristic of the latter. The fourth section suggests that we need to take merchant capitalism more seriously as a historical category as well as one of theory, rejecting the idea that merchant's capital ‘exclusively inhabits the circulation sphere’. © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd Source

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