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The "resource curse" has been analyzed extensively in the context of non-renewable resources such as oil and gas. More recently commentators have expressed concerns that also renewable electricity exports can have adverse economic impacts on exporting countries. My paper analyzes to what extent the resource curse applies in the case of large-scale renewable electricity exports. I develop a "comprehensive model" that integrates previous works and provides a consolidated view of how non-renewable resource abundance impacts economic growth. Deploying this model I analyze through case studies on Laos, Mongolia, and the MENA region to what extent exporters of renewable electricity run into the danger of the resource curse. I find that renewable electricity exports avoid some disadvantages of non-renewable resource exports including (i) shocks after resource depletion; (ii) macroeconomic fluctuations; and (iii) competition for a fixed amount of resources. Nevertheless, renewable electricity exports bear some of the same risks as conventional resource exports including (i) crowding-out of the manufacturing sector; (ii) incentives for corruption; and (iii) reduced government accountability. I conclude with recommendations for managing such risks. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd.

Platte J.E.,School of Law and Diplomacy
Journal of Risk Research | Year: 2014

Early leaders of the Republic of India, including Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and prominent nuclear scientist Homi Bhabha, highly prioritized the development of nuclear technology. Nehru gave Bhabha much autonomy over the nuclear program, and Bhabha devised a three-stage nuclear program in the 1950s to utilize Indias domestic reserves of thorium and uranium. India has remained committed to the three-stage program and also developed nuclear explosives in the 1970s. This paper uses prospect theory to analyze Indias nuclear fuel cycle decision-making from 1948 to 1990. This analysis shows that Indias nuclear program served two of the countrys main strategic interests: self-sufficiency and attaining equal international standing with the great powers. Prospect theory helps explain how Indian leaders perceived these strategic interests and how the nuclear program fit into pursuing these interests. Indian leaders, in a risk averse gains frame, viewed signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty in the 1960s as risky because that could have reduced self-sufficiency. Indira Gandhi, in a risk acceptant losses frame, authorized the Pokhran-I nuclear explosive test in the early 1970s to demonstrate Indian capability, and India had to accept the isolation of its nuclear program from the global market as a result. Prospect theory allowed this analysis to focus on the frame of reference and perceptions of the decision-makers and then understand why certain policy options were selected over other policy options, rather than prescribing a particular model of nuclear decision-making. © 2013 © 2013 Taylor & Francis.

Petrova M.A.,School of Law and Diplomacy
Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change | Year: 2013

The acronym NIMBY, known to stand for 'Not-In-My-Back-Yard', generally describes resistance to siting specific projects close to one's area of residence while exhibiting acceptance of similar projects elsewhere. As wind energy continues to be recognized as a successful technology for meeting renewable energy targets and decreasing carbon dioxide emissions, the siting of wind turbines is a growing challenge that policy makers, facility planners, and wind developers face. The most often cited motivations for public support and opposition are reviewed here with a focus on wind energy developments in the United States. The purpose is to present the existing state of research on community responses to wind energy and to answer the following questions: What motivates support and opposition to facility siting, and in particular to wind energy facilities? Does the literature provide substantial evidence that NIMBYism is the determining motivation for opposition in the United States and, by extension, does the term's widespread use help to explain opposition? What mechanisms have been proposed for 'overcoming' NIMBYism, if it is present? This paper, following the recommendations of other social scientists, provides a collective call for a significant course shift: rather than proposing strategies to 'overcome' opposition, research should focus on proposing how to make siting successful. Drawing on a review of the relevant literature, the 'ENUF' framework-which stands for 'Engage, Never use NIMBY, Understand, and Facilitate'-is introduced as a step in that direction. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Chapple-Sokol S.,School of Law and Diplomacy
The Hague Journal of Diplomacy | Year: 2013

The concept of 'culinary diplomacy' is defined as the use of food and cuisine as an instrument to create cross-cultural understanding in the hopes of improving interactions and cooperation. Its origins are rooted in ancient history, while a modernized version emerged alongside French diplomatic tradition in the early nineteenth century, beginning with the iconic French chef Antonin Carême. The theory underlying the concept is multifaceted, with foundations in the schools of public and cultural diplomacy, non-verbal communication, nation-branding, and in the conflict resolution theory of the contact hypothesis. Culinary diplomacy campaigns worldwide have been undertaken, from the national governmental promotions of multiple South-East Asian countries, to the White House's outreach to promote healthy eating, to grassroots efforts by cooks to reduce violent conflict. The summit of culinary diplomacy is the Club des Chefs des Chefs, a group of the chefs of heads of state, whose goal it is to unite people with a good meal. There is work to be done in the field, but there are big potential gains, up to and including world peace. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2013.

Young H.,Tufts University | Jacobsen K.,School of Law and Diplomacy
Development and Change | Year: 2013

This article explores how people in conflict zones adapt their livelihoods after they migrate to urban areas. Drawing on case studies in two towns in the Darfur region of Sudan, the authors find that livelihood systems are in transition and have undergone fundamental changes resulting from displacement and the effects of conflict on dysfunctional and failing institutions. Urban migrants' livelihood strategies evolve in a context of insecurity, distorted markets, lack of regulation and punitive rent-seeking regimes such as protection payments. Maladaptive livelihood strategies emerge in response to the need for food and income in the short term. New strategies also can increase societal inequities and marginalization, and over-exploit limited natural resources. Thus the 'new' livelihoods cannot be considered sustainable or equitable, or even able to provide food security in the short term. Locally appropriate and innovative approaches to support livelihoods are badly needed, but it is important to monitor and evaluate their impacts on livelihood groups, local economic recovery, environment and conflict. © 2013 International Institute of Social Studies.

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