News Article | May 8, 2017
Don’t look now, but Russia could get greener—and it has nothing to do with climate change melting the Siberian permafrost. In a country known for deriving a huge amount of its wealth and economic activity from state-owned oil and gas companies, it may come as a surprise to hear that president Vladimir Putin has been speaking favorably about clean energy lately. The country’s energy ministry also endorsed a recent report from the International Renewable Energy Agency that suggested that Russia has plenty of potential for developing renewables. There’s certainly plenty of room for improvement. At the moment, renewables account for only about 3.6 percent of Russia’s energy consumption (paywall). By comparison, the U.S., which is itself a laggard compared to many countries, derives about 10 percent of the energy it consumes from renewable sources. According to an article in the Financial Times that cites the IRENA report, Russia could expand its renewable portfolio up to 11.3 percent of consumption by 2030. That would be far from world-beating, but would still require about $15 billion a year in investments, according to IRENA. Even assuming Putin and his administration are serious about backing up their words with deeds, the financial and political might of the fossil fuel giants Gazprom and Rosneft—which are essentially arms of the Russian government—could make ramping up renewables difficult. Russia also lacks a national power grid, so it wouldn’t be able to transport energy generated by, say, wind or solar outside of the regions in which they are generated. This is something that the U.S. struggles with as well, though a revamped grid in Texas has proven that large infrastructure investments can help renewables flourish. Russia, like the U.S. (for the moment, anyway), is a party to the Paris climate agreement, with a pledge to keep its greenhouse gas emissions at least 25 percent below 1990 levels by 2020. While it hasn’t been terribly transparent on how it plans to do that—or outlined any plans for further cuts—it has said it is cleaning up emissions from flaring at oil and gas fields. And in statements made to the United Nations ahead of climate talks later this week, Russian officials wrote that their country was planning a more than tenfold increase in non-hydroelectric renewables by 2035.
News Article | May 25, 2017
• This story was originally published on 28 April 2017 A Republican congressional candidate has financial ties to a number of Russian companies that have been sanctioned by the US, the Guardian has learned. Greg Gianforte, who is the GOP standard bearer in the upcoming special election in Montana, owns just under $250,000 in shares in two index funds that are invested in the Russian economy to match its overall performance. According to a financial disclosure filed with the clerk of the House of Representatives, the Montana tech mogul owns almost $150,000 worth of shares in VanEck Vectors Russia ETF and $92,400 in the IShares MSCF Russia ETF fund. Both are indexed to the Russian equities market and have significant holdings in companies such as Gazprom and Rosneft that came under US sanctions in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of the Crimea. The holdings, while substantial, make up only a small portion of Gianforte’s wealth. The congressional candidate, who made a fortune starting a software company which was later sold to Oracle, has assets estimated to be worth between $65m and $315m, according to his financial disclosure. Richard Nephew, the former principal deputy coordinator for sanctions policy at the state department, told the Guardian that “there is definitely a question here but my initial reaction is that this is not something to freak out about”. He added: “Index funds are usually just like mutual funds, excluded from consideration from a sanctions perspective because the ownership stake per person is incredibly small.” But he noted that it did raise some concerns from “a Russia policy perspective” as a conflict of interest because “betting on Russia’s economy is problematic”. Shane Scanlon, a spokesman for Gianforte, told the Guardian that the Republican candidate did not oversee his portfolio on a day-to-day basis. Instead, Gianforte focused on the “overall performance”, he said. If elected, he said, the Montana Republican would put all his assets in a blind trust to avoid any conflict of interest as well as the fact that Gianforte had released 10 years of tax returns. He added in a statement: “Greg strongly believes his personal assets should never influence his decision-making in office.” Regarding Gianforte’s views on Russia, Scanlon said: “The situation with Russia is the result of the last eight years of a failed policy by President Obama. The US and our allies need to work together on a long-term strategy to stand against Russian aggression in the region and to ensure the sovereignty of our allies is protected. In any foreign policy decision, we must always ensure that America’s interests are protected.” But Tina Olechowski, a spokesman for Gianforte’s opponent, Democrat Rob Quist, used the investments to attack the Republican candidate. “Montana voters deserve to know why Greg Gianforte held on to his shady Russian investments after Putin invaded Ukraine, and again when Russia was accused of interfering in the presidential election,” said Olechowski. “Instead Gianforte kept his Russian ties secret during his failed run for governor last year.” She also emphasized Quist’s strong stance again Russia. “Putin’s Russia invaded Ukraine and interfered in last fall’s presidential election,” said Olechowski. “That kind of aggression is a clear threat to our democracy and global security, and in Congress Rob would evaluate all of our options including whether it makes sense to step up military aid to Ukraine.” Montana’s special election will be held on 25 May to fill the vacancy created by Republican Ryan Zinke’s resignation to become Donald Trump’s secretary of interior.
News Article | April 21, 2017
Logos of ExxonMobil are seen in its booth at Gastech, the world's biggest expo for the gas industry, in Chiba, Japan April 4, 2017. REUTERS/Toru Hanai WASHINGTON/SPRING, Tx. (Reuters) - The United States will not make an exception for American companies, including oil major Exxon Mobil Corp, seeking to drill in areas prohibited by U.S. sanctions on Russia, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said on Friday. The unusually direct statement served to clarify that the United States would maintain a tough stance on sanctions against Moscow. "In consultation with President Donald J. Trump, the Treasury Department will not be issuing waivers to U.S. companies, including Exxon, authorizing drilling prohibited by current Russian sanctions," Mnuchin said in a statement. The United States and European Union imposed economic sanctions on Russia over its annexation of the Crimea region in 2014 and its role in the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The sanctions forced Exxon, the world's largest publicly traded oil producer, to wind down drilling in Russia's Arctic in 2014. "We understand the statement today by Secretary Mnuchin in consultation with President Trump," Exxon spokesman Alan Jeffers said. Exxon had asked for and received in 2015 and 2016 waivers to operate a joint venture with Russian oil producer Rosneft in Russia. European Union sanctions do not keep European oil companies from operating in Russia, a point of annoyance for Exxon. The Wall Street Journal reported this week that Exxon had in recent months applied for a Treasury Department waiver to drill with Rosneft. Jeffers said Exxon had not applied for waivers from Treasury since Trump took office. Any such request would have drawn attention because Exxon's former chief executive, Rex Tillerson, is now U.S. secretary of state. Under his leadership, Exxon lobbied Congress on Russia sanctions, and Tillerson opposed sanctions against Russia in 2014, saying they would be ineffective. U.S. lawmakers are investigating possible ties between some Trump campaign aides and Moscow. Republicans in Congress as well as U.S. allies in Europe are anxious about any sign that the Trump administration might ease some of the sanctions imposed on Russia. During his confirmation hearing in January, Tillerson said he never personally lobbied against sanctions and that he was not aware of Exxon Mobil directly doing so, later acknowledging that he spoke to former U.S. Treasury Secretary Jack Lew regarding gaps between American and European sanctions on Russia. Tillerson has pledged to recuse himself until the end of this year from any matter involving Exxon Mobil unless he is authorized to participate. He also has until early May to sell his Exxon Mobil stock. U.S. companies frequently file license applications to the Treasury Department asking permission to undertake activities that would otherwise be barred by sanctions. The U.S. government weighs each application based on national security interests, the law and other factors. The refusal is unlikely to affect Exxon Mobil's bottom line, as it has not been able to operate in Russia for several years, but it does hinder its growth potential. Treasury almost never comments publicly on license applications. Mnuchin's statement will likely serve to clarify the U.S. stance on sanctions against Russia at a time when American allies are looking for clues to U.S. policy, observers said. "It's good from a regulatory perspective as it provides clarity to U.S. companies, but it's also great from a foreign policy perspective," Edward Fishman, a fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank and former State Department official during the Obama administration, said of Mnuchin's statement. "Any uncertainty about the future of sanctions scares our allies and encourages Russia to prolong its aggression in Ukraine."
News Article | April 28, 2017
The intelligence and security agencies in the US played a key role in Donald Trump’s election victory and they may yet be the ones who bring down this most extraordinary of presidents in recent American history. Hillary Clinton could well have been in the White House now had it not been for James Comey. She was riding high when the FBI Director announced, just days before polling, that the investigation into the former Secretary of State’s use of her email account was being reopened. Soon afterwards Mr Comey stated that nothing untoward had been discovered against Ms Clinton. But the damage had been done by then – her campaign lost momentum while that of Mr Trump solidified. While effectively sabotaging the Democrat campaign, Mr Comey helped Mr Trump’s by failing to reveal that an investigation into links between Mr Trump and Moscow, with evidence mounting, had been ongoing for months. After his first 100 days, we should fear Trump more than ever There were accusations that the FBI had tried to hide the Trump inquiry while focusing on Ms Clinton. Among those who claimed this to be the case was Christopher Steele, a former MI6 officer who produced a report on Mr Trump’s Kremlin links for the Democrats, and subsequently passed on incriminating information on Mr Trump and his associates to the FBI without any action being seemingly taken. The New York office in particular appeared to be on a crusade against Ms Clinton. Some of its agents had a long working relationship with Rudy Giuliani, by then a member of the Trump campaign, since his days as public prosecutor and then Mayor of the city. Two days before Mr Comey made his bombshell announcement about the Clinton reinvestigation, Mr Giuliani, part of the Trump team, talked about “a surprise or two you’re going to hear about in the next few days. We’ve got a couple of things up our sleeve that should turn things around”. But Mr Trump cannot shake off the allegations that he was the “Muscovite Candidate”. Russia has been the dominant theme in the first 100 days of the presidency, raising fundamental questions even about his legitimacy in office. The Kremlin’s long reach, reads the charge sheet, ranges from cyber-attacks on Democratic Party computers to the funding of the Republican candidate’s election campaign. There are now FBI and Congressional investigations into Mr Trump’s Moscow connections. The President has tried to dismiss them in his endless rambling tweets and tried to deflect attention with false claims such as that he had been wiretapped on the orders of President Obama. There have, in addition, been attempts to stop important witnesses from testifying. But the inquiries continue. Mr Trump is now at loggerheads with the intelligence community. The antipathy of many of them towards him has been hardened by episodes such as his behaviour when he visited the CIA headquarters. Standing in front of the Memorial Wall – a place of reverence in the Agency – Mr Trump boasted about the fictitious size of his inaugural crowd and his own intellect: “And then they say, ‘Is Donald Trump an intellectual?’ Trust me, I’m like a smart person.” Former CIA director John Brennan let it be known that he was “deeply saddened and angered at Donald Trump’s despicable display of self-aggrandisement in front of CIA’s Memorial Wall of agency heroes. Mr Trump should be ashamed of himself”. Meanwhile, even senior figures in the Trump administration, including Defence Secretary James Mattis and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, have acknowledged Moscow’s interference in the US election. Mr Tillerson’s own Kremlin connections have been questioned. He forged close ties with Russia during his 40 years of work for Exxon Mobil, and he worked on projects with the Russian state-owned oil company Rosneft. He is said to be close to its head Igor Sechin, a close confidant of Vladimir Putin. In 2013 the Kremlin awarded him the Order of Friendship. Senior Republicans like Senator John McCain had questioned whether Mr Tillerson was a fit person for his job with his close Russia ties. There have been questions, in particular, about Mr Sechin, who was named in the Steele report as one of the senior Kremlin officials who had met members of the Trump team before the election. There are, however, others in the team who are under more intense scrutiny than Mr Tillerson. There has already been a high-profile casualty, Lieutenant General Michael Flynn, who resigned as Mr Trump’s national security advisor after just three weeks over his contacts with the Russian ambassador to the US. Lt Gen Flynn was accused of lying to Vice President Mike Pence over his insistence that he had not discussed against Russia with Sergey Kislyak. It transpired later that he was under investigation by the Pentagon for allegedly accepting Russian payment during trips to Moscow. He was to go on to admit working as a “foreign agent”, receiving money while representing the Turkish government in a dispute with the United States. Lt Gen Flynn resigned on the same day Barack Obama announced sanctions against Russia for attempting to influence the presidential election, and hours after Mr Trump had expressed “full confidence” in his National Security Advisor. Lt Gen Flynn has subsequently offered to appear before the Senate Intelligence Committee in return for immunity from prosecution – an offer the Committee has so far rejected. Paul Manafort’s resignation as Mr Trump’s campaign manager came before the election. He had filled the same role with Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine’s former president, an ally of Mr Putin who is now in exile in Russia after being overthrown in the Maidan protests. It was money he received in his Ukrainian job which led to him leaving the Trump team, although he appears to have remained an influential voice behind the scenes. There are now fresh allegations that Mr Manafort received vast sums in “suspicious payments” from Mr Yanukovych. Prosecutors in Kiev want to question Mr Manafort and say they have requested the assistance of Mr Comey in doing so. It is seen as a sign of the Trump administration’s nervousness about what may unfold that it appears to be trying to distance itself from Mr Manafort. In a recent briefing to journalists, the White House spokesman Sean Spicer brought up Mr Manafort’s name unprompted, and claimed, to general incredulity, that “he played a very limited role, very limited amount of time” in the presidential campaign. The same kind of damage limitation is being tried with Carter Page, who Mr Trump had formerly described as a foreign policy advisor and Mr Spicer now wants to stress was “not really a major part of the campaign”. According to Mr Steele and others who have provided information to the FBI, Mr Page had discussed intelligence being held by Russia on Ms Clinton with a senior Kremlin official and the issue of ending sanctions against Moscow with Mr Sechin. He also allegedly met a Russian intelligence operative, Victor Podobny, in 2013 and offered to provide him with documents about the energy industry. The FBI obtained a warrant under the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) to carry out surveillance on Mr Page as the suspected “agent of a foreign power”. Mr Page says “that his civil rights have been violated” and he is the “real victim of a conspiracy”. As investigations continue into Mr Trump, “conspiracy” is a recurring theme among his supporters. They warn of a “coup” being planned by the “deep state” of the establishment and the intelligence services to unseat an elected President. Mr Trump’s many enemies, meanwhile, hope that the investigations will lead to eventual impeachment of the President they loathe. What the intelligence and security agencies uncover, or fail to do, in the weeks and months ahead will shape the fate of the Trump presidency.
News Article | April 22, 2017
FILE - In this April 1, 2017 file photo, National Assembly President Julio Borges speaks to fellow lawmakers during a special public session at a square in Caracas, Venezuela. The leader of Venezuela’s rebellious congress has a message for the world’s capitalists: Think twice before signing another check to President Nicolas Maduro’s government. (AP Photo/Fernando Llano, File) CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — The leader of Venezuela's rebellious congress has a message for the world's capitalists: Think twice before signing another check to President Nicolas Maduro's government. Amid anti-Maduro protests roiling Venezuela, leading to 20 deaths and dozens of arrests the past three weeks, the opposition is trying to rally international opinion against his socialist government. For his part, National Assembly President Julio Borges has sent more than a dozen letters to leading global banks warning them of the risk to their reputations and bottom line if they throw a lifeline to Maduro as he seeks to bolster an economy suffering widespread shortages of food and other goods while avoiding a default on foreign debt. "The national government, through the central bank, is going to try to swap gold held as reserves for dollars to stay in power unconstitutionally," said one letter sent Thursday to John Cryan, the CEO of Deutsche Bank. "I have the obligation to warn you that by supporting such a gold swap you would be taking actions favoring a government that's been recognized as dictatorial by the international community." The letters are intended to build on legislation recently passed by the opposition-controlled congress that nullifies any government debt issuances not explicitly approved by legislators, Borges said in an interview Friday. Following a tense week filled with protests that drew tens of thousands into the streets and overnight clashes that left at least a dozen dead by Friday morning, opposition leaders were calling Venezuelans out again Saturday to demonstrate in a silent protest. Protesters dressed in white were gathering at cities around the country in homage to those killed in the unrest. Dozens of police officers could be seen blocking roads in Caracas early Saturday and nearly a dozen metro stations were closed. Lost in the surge of protests triggered by last month's decision by the Venezuelan Supreme Court to strip congress of power is Maduro's desperate need for financing. The ruling, which was reversed after a storm of international criticism, arose from congress' refusal to approve a proposal allowing state-run oil giant PDVSA to form joint ventures with preferred foreign partners such as Russia's Rosneft. Sitting atop the world's largest oil reserves, Venezuela has long been considered a reliable credit, managing to maintain its status as a Wall Street favorite even when the late President Hugo Chavez went on a nationalizing spree seizing factories and oil fields of major foreign companies like Exxon and Clorox. This week, General Motors became the latest major American brand to flee Venezuela after its assembly plant, bank accounts and other assets were seized as the result of a judicial ruling in favor of a former GM dealership. But as crude oil prices have fallen since Maduro took office in 2013, the country's foreign currency reserves have plummeted to a 15-year low of $10 billion. About 75 percent of that is held in illiquid gold bars as a result of Chavez's fetish for bullion over the "imperialist" dollar. The country has debt payments still coming due this year of around $6 billion. Yet, as the government scrounges for financing, it managed to donate $500,000 to President Donald Trump's inauguration events, through PDVSA's wholly owned U.S. subsidiary, Citgo, federal election records revealed this week. Borges called the donation a "hypocritical" attempt by Maduro to curry favor with Trump in hopes the Republican administration will go soft on human rights abuses. Several officials have already been targeted by U.S. sanctions, including under Trump's watch Vice President Tareck El Aissami, for alleged drug trafficking. "It shows they're afraid of the U.S.," Borges said. "They want to portray themselves as romantics, but they really are just Mickey Mouse revolutionaries. All of them have houses in Orlando (Florida), assets in the U.S., apartments in New York, and yet they donate $500,000 from a country that is dying of hunger." Borges, a lawyer who studied philosophy at Boston College, entered politics on the coattails of a popular TV program. Shortly after Chavez was elected president in 1999, he founded the Justice First party alongside the two dominant opposition politicians over the past decade: two-time presidential candidate Henrique Capriles and jailed activist Leopoldo Lopez. In his role as the party's coordinator, Borges is known as a cool-headed strategist and voice of moderation more comfortable behind the scenes. But with Lopez behind bars and Capriles recently barred from running for office for 15 years, Borges has been thrust into the spotlight and he has adopted a more combative stance. The second in line of succession after El Aissami, he has been at the forefront with other lawmakers in the latest protests, rejecting repeat invitations by Maduro to return to negotiations that collapsed last year. In his office hangs a photograph from 1936 Germany showing a worker named August Landmesser standing alone in a large crowd refusing to perform the Nazi salute — a model of bravery that Borges says should inspire members of Venezuela's armed forces who have been using tear gas and rubber bullets against unarmed protesters. He said the patience he has had to show in the long-running battle against Maduro was learned at home as the father of quadruplets, now 9 years old. "I wish he was like a kid because sometimes he's so cold and indifferent," Borges said of Maduro. "At least a child has feelings. He feels hurt when he sees people suffering and dying." In what the opposition claims is another example of Maduro's indifference to the country's suffering, the president posted a video on his Twitter account Friday night showing him driving through a middle-class Caracas neighborhood. While talking about promoting a "movement of national coexistence" to confront "fascists," his car passes by a wall where the words "Maduro killer of students" is scrawled in graffiti. Aggressive rhetoric from opposition leaders like Borges appears to have gotten under Maduro's skin. Almost daily since protests began, the president has accused Borges of being the "boss" of a coup attempt. And Borges is almost certainly a prime target of a "Manual for the Revolutionary Combatant" that top government officials are promoting on state TV as a sort of enemies list containing the addresses and personal details of opposition leaders. "Don't complain later when justice is served, Julio Borges. I'm telling you in advance," Maduro, pounding his fist, said this week at a rally of government supporters. Borges said that far from scaring him, such attacks and the government's growing reliance on force to squash protests is a sign of its increasing weakness. "Voting is like kryptonite for the government," he said. "But that's what we have to continue insisting on because it's the only real solution to bring change to the country." More Associated Press reporting on Venezuela's problems can be found at https://www.ap.org/explore/venezuela-undone
News Article | June 27, 2017
A ransomware outbreak is once again being blamed for computer chaos at organisations around the world. The Ukrainian interior minister has said his country is facing the biggest cyber attack in its history. A number of institutions, including the national bank, the state power company and transport hubs in the country have been affected. But reports of organisations struck by severe IT issues have started to trickle in from elsewhere in the world as well. Other victims include Danish company Maersk, the largest shipping container firm in the world. It has reported that its IT systems were down “across multiple sites” due to a cyber attack. The world’s largest advertising firm, WPP, has also said that it is suffering IT issues. And a receptionist at Mondelez International – a large food and beverage company that owns Cadbury’s in the UK – told New Scientist that the company’s computer systems around the world are down. And Rosneft, Russia’s largest oil producer, has also announced that it was the victim of a massive cyber attack. The firm’s website is currently offline. Security experts monitoring the situation believe the chaos is possibly the result of an outbreak of the Petya ransomware – which encrypts information on a computer’s hard disk and then demands a payment before returning access to the user. This has not yet been confirmed by those affected – and it is not yet clear whether the incidents in Ukraine, Russia and elsewhere are connected. However, if this is a widespread ransomware attack, it echoes the WannaCry epidemic that rapidly infected hundreds of hundreds of thousands of computers around the globe last month. Like WannaCry, Petya demands a $300 payment made via Bitcoin. Researchers are now trying to find out whether these latest malware infections have spread via the same Server Message Block (SMB) vulnerability in Windows exploited by WannaCry. It was this flaw that allowed WannaCry to infect other computers on the same network automatically. “Whilst analysts are still trying to confirm, the speed with which it has spread suggests an automated mechanism such as was used in WannaCry,” says Alan Woodward, a computer security expert at the University of Surrey, UK. “It may prove to be the same flaw that is being exploited. Many organisations have still not patched their systems so it is entirely possible this is the cause of it spreading so fast.” A spokesman for the UK’s National Health Service, which was badly affected during the WannaCry outbreak, told New Scientist he was not aware of the organisation being hit in this latest incident.
Rosneft | Date: 2014-05-13
A polymer material for proppant in the form of a metathesis-radically cross-linked mixture of oligocyclopentadienes and methylcarboxy norbornene esters is obtained by mixing dicyclopentadiene with methacrylic esters and polymer stabilizers, heating the mixture to a temperature of 150-220 C., holding at said temperature for 15-360 minutes, and then cooling down to 20-50 C. A radical initiator and a catalyst are added successively to the resultant mixture of oligocyclopentadienes and methylcarboxy norbornene esters. The polymer matrix is heated to a temperature of 50-340 C., is held at this temperature for 1-360 minutes and then is cooled to room temperature. A technical result achieved by implementation of the present invention is an increase in thermal strength of the proppant material, providing a compressive strength of at least 150 MPa at a temperature of not less than 100 C.
Rosneft | Date: 2014-05-13
The material for proppant and method for producing the same relate to the chemistry of high-molecular weight compounds, and more particularly, to polymer materials with high requirements for physical and mechanical properties, for instance, for the production of proppants, i.e., propping granules, used in the oil and gas production by a method of hydraulic fracturing of formation. The technical result achieved by implementation of the present invention is an increase in thermal strength of the proppant material providing for a compressive strength of at least 150 MPa at a temperature of not less than 100 C. The method consists in the following. A mixture of oligocyclopentadienes is obtained by heating dicyclopentadiene (DCPD) to a temperature of 150-220 C. and holding at this temperature for 15-360 minutes. The oligomerization of dicyclopentadiene occurs. The mixture of oligomers is cooled down to 20-50 C., and polymer stabilizers, radical initiators, methacrylates and a catalyst are sequentially added thereto. The resultant polymer matrix is heated up to a temperature of 50-340 C. and is held at this temperature for 1-360 minutes, and thereafter is cooled down to room temperature. A metathesis polymerization (MP) and radical polymerization (RP) cross-linkage of the mixture of oligocyclopentadienes with methacrylic esters occurs.
Rosneft | Date: 2014-05-13
The increased thermal strength polymer proppant and method for producing the same relate to the oil and gas production technology using materials of high-molecular compounds, especially to proppants of polymer materials with high requirements for the physical and mechanical characteristics, utilized as propping granules in the oil and gas production by a method of hydraulic fracturing. The proppant is made of a metathesis-radically cross-linked mixture of oligocyclopentadienes and methylcarboxy norbornene esters. The proppant represents microspheres having a roundness and sphericity of at least 0.9 for no less than 80% by weight, whose average size being in the range 0.25-1.1 mm and a bulk density being in the range of 0.5-0.7 g/cm^(3). The technical result is an increase in thermal strength of the proppant material, providing for a compressive strength of at least 150 MPa at a temperature of not less than 100 C.
Rosneft | Date: 2014-05-13
The polymer proppant and method for producing the same relate to oil and gas production technology using materials of high-molecular weight compounds with higher requirements for physical and mechanical properties. The proppant is used as propping granules utilized in the oil and gas production by a method of hydraulic fracturing of formation. The technical result achieved by implementation of the present invention is an increase in thermal strength of the proppant whose material provides a compressive strength of at least 150 MPa at a temperature of not less than 100 C. The polymer proppant represents microspheres of metathesis-radically cross-linked mixture of oligocyclopentadienes.