The Nuclear Energy Agency is an intergovernmental agency that is organized under the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development . Originally formed on 1 February 1958 with the name European Nuclear Energy Agency ; the United States participated as an Associate Member), the name was changed on 20 April 1972 to its current name after Japan became a member.The mission of the NEA is to "assist its member countries in maintaining and further developing, through international co-operation, the scientific, technological and legal bases required for the safe, environmentally friendly and economical use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes." Wikipedia.
Froy F.,Oecd Nuclear Energy Agency
Oxford Review of Economic Policy | Year: 2013
There is a rising interest in both skills policy and industrial policy in OECD countries following the economic downturn. But how can skills policy best support industrial growth? In the UK, the coalition government is arguing for an industrial policy which is bottom-up, supporting networks of employers and helping to build productive local supply chains. There is simultaneous investment in a more 'employer-led' skills policy, in order to better tackle skills shortages and gaps. But is an employer-led skills policy the best way of boosting industrial growth in all UK regions? Are there potential market failures in employer-led policies of which the public sector should be aware? This article warns against taking an overly simplistic approach to skills development, arguing that while skills policies should be flexible to the needs of employers, there is still justification for investing in a broad educational curriculum at the local level. Further, policy-makers may need proactively to help employers to better use skills in some regions in order to boost productivity and growth.
Kennedy C.,University of Toronto |
Corfee-Morlot J.,Oecd Nuclear Energy Agency
Energy Policy | Year: 2013
This article explores the investment implications of moving to low-carbon, climate-resilient infrastructure. It begins with analysis of gross fixed capital formation and decarbonisation trends to examine past performance of OECD countries in reducing GHG emissions from 1997 to 2007. Many OECD countries made progress in decoupling GHG emissions from infrastructure investment in residential buildings, and to a lesser extent from power and industry, but increased efforts are required, especially in the transportation sector. The analysis highlights the need to accelerate the pace and scale of change to reverse GHG emission trends to bring into reach ambitious climate policy goals. It then assesses future global infrastructure needs under low-carbon and business-as-usual (BAU) global warming scenarios, and the incremental costs of going "low-carbon" are estimated to be small relative to the magnitude of the BAU infrastructure investment needs. Global infrastructure needs for 2015-2020, including buildings and transportation vehicles, are approximately 6.7 trillion USD/year under BAU. Incremental costs of low-carbon infrastructure are of the order -70 to +450 billion USD/year. Achieving climate resilient infrastructure may add costs, but there is potentially synergistic overlap with low-carbon attributes. Although estimates are incomplete, the technical and financial inter-dependency between infrastructure systems suggests the potential to generate infrastructure investment to support a "virtuous cycle" of low-carbon growth. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd.
Philp J.,Oecd Nuclear Energy Agency
Energy and Environmental Science | Year: 2015
Key objectives for a bioeconomy are now embedded in the strategic activities of more than 30 countries, with an increasing number developing a national bioeconomy strategy. In a bioeconomy, fossil-based commodities and electricity start to be replaced by bio-based. This is meant to address some of the so-called 'grand challenges' being faced by society, but especially energy security (by reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels) and climate change (by reducing greenhouse gas emissions). However, in the vast majority of countries that have bioenergy and biofuels policies, there is either no policy support for bio-based materials (especially chemicals and plastics) or it is limited to R&D subsidy. And yet, studies repeatedly show that higher added value and job creation are to be found in materials production. This paper suggests a cost-effective public policy strategy to redress this balance. The strategy also addresses a weakness of bio-based production-low efficiency-by creating stimulus for companies to innovate their biocatalysts and bioprocesses. © 2015 The Royal Society of Chemistry.
Devaux M.,Oecd Nuclear Energy Agency
The European journal of health economics : HEPAC : health economics in prevention and care | Year: 2015
A key policy objective in OECD countries is to achieve adequate access to health care for all people on the basis of need. Previous studies have shown that there are inequities in health care services utilisation (HCSU) in the OECD area. In recent years, measures have been taken to enhance health care access. This paper re-examines income-related inequities in doctor visits among 18 selected OECD countries, updating previous results for 12 countries with 2006-2009 data, and including six new countries. Inequalities in preventive care services are also considered for the first time. The indirect standardisation procedure is used to estimate the need-adjusted HCSU and concentration indexes are derived to gauge inequalities and inequities. Overall, inequities in HCSU remain present in OECD countries. In most countries, for the same health care needs, people with higher incomes are more likely to consult a doctor than those with lower incomes. Pro-rich inequalities in dental visits and cancer screening uptake are also found in nearly all countries, although the magnitude of these varies among countries. These findings suggest that further monitoring of inequalities is essential in order to assess whether country policy objectives are achieved on a regular basis.
de Mello L.,Oecd Nuclear Energy Agency
Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy | Year: 2011
With this paper I test the hypothesis that, by giving people more voice in the government decision-making process, fiscal decentralisation fosters social capital, measured in terms of interpersonal trust. Empirical evidence based on World Values Survey data and seemingly unrelated probit estimations for a cross-section of countries suggests that people living in federal and decentralized countries find it more important to have a voice in government decisions than their zcounterparts living in unitary and centralised countries. Provoice attitudes are, in turn, associated with greater social capital. The cross-country estimations are complemented by country-specific regressions for Brazil and Indonesia on account of these countries' experiences with fiscal decentralisation. The results show that the cohorts of individuals that have been exposed to decentralisation are in general more provoice (and trustful of strangers in the case of Brazil) than their counterparts that have not been exposed to decentralisation. These findings are not driven by the effects of political liberalisation on people's attitudes towards the importance of having a voice in government decisions and interpersonal trust.