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Japan External Trade Organization is an independent government agency established by Japan Export Trade Research Organization as a nonprofit corporation in Osaka in February 1951, and reorganized as the Ministry of International Trade and Industry in 1958 to consolidate Japan's efforts in export promotion. The government has provided more than half of JETRO's annual operating budget. As of May 2011, JETRO maintained seventy-three offices in fifty-five countries, as well as thirty-six regional offices in Japan, with a total staff of 1,500. Its main office is located in the Ark Mori Building in Akasaka, Tokyo. Initially, JETRO's activities focused mainly on promoting exports to other countries. As exporters established themselves in world markets and the balance of trade turned from deficit to surplus, however, JETRO's role shifted to encompass more varied activities. These have included the furtherance of mutual understanding with trading partners, import promotion, liaison between small businesses in Japan and their overseas counterparts, and data dissemination. Import promotion services have included publications, promotion of trade fairs, seminars, and trade missions.JETRO also provides information and support to foreign companies looking for successful entry and expansion in the Japanese market. JETRO provides a wide range of services, such as timely market intelligence, extensive business development support, and relevant business events, designed to encourage new business between foreign companies and Japan. JETRO also provides current information on the laws and regulations surrounding new business operation in Japan to assist companies in expanding their business to Japan. Wikipedia.


Kumar R.,Jawaharlal Nehru University | Mitra A.,Institute of Economic Growth | Murayama M.,JETRO - Japan External Trade Organization
International Journal of Social Economics | Year: 2013

Purpose: Child labour in several low-income households is rather pursued for gaining experience and at times for meagre incomes, which are possibly spent on household food expenditure. The purpose of this paper is to estimate the incidence of child labour and identifies the factors which explain participation of the children in the labour market. It also focuses on some of the outcomes of labour market participation of the children. Design/methodology/approach: Based on the primary survey of the slum households in four Indian cities this paper applies certain quantitative techniques to estimate child labour and the factors that explain their participation in the labour market. Findings: Though the contribution made by the child labour to the overall well-being does not turn out to be substantial, without child labour these households would have been much worse off than the households which can afford not to have child labour. The probability of working is higher for a male child compared to a girl child. This is because the girl children are often engaged in household activities and even when they are engaged in income earning jobs they are shown as helpers. Parents' income as such may not be having a positive impact on child's education. Originality/value: The study is based on a primary survey. It employs certain indirect methods to arrive at a more realistic estimate of the incidence of child labour. Besides, it focuses on the quantitative methods to identify the factors that explain child labour. Finally the policy implications are brought out. © Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Source


Kang B.,JETRO - Japan External Trade Organization | Kang B.,Tokyo University of Technology | Huo D.,Tokyo University of Technology | Motohashi K.,Tokyo University of Technology
Telecommunications Policy | Year: 2014

The latecomers from Asia-China and Korea-started to participate in information and communication technology (ICT) global standardizations as they accumulated technological capabilities. We observed the current situation of ICT global standardizations in those countries by analyzing the mobile communications standards, WCDMA and LTE, and derived interesting findings and meaningful implications from the analysis. First, this paper provides evidence of the differences in Chinese and Korean standard strategies; China is creating its own standard whereas Korea goes with global standardization. Second, this paper shows the subsequent results of the different strategies. In detail, we conducted an analysis based on (declared) essential patents in WCDMA and LTE. The results indicate that China and Korea hold a significant number of essential patents and their numbers compete with those of leading countries. However, the analysis shows that Korea accumulated domestic knowledge that enables the country to actively participate in standardization,but China still heavily relies on foreign knowledge, probably because China is attempting to create its own standard and accumulating knowledge takes a long time despite its efforts.Our findings have several implications for leading countries and other following countries. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Source


Aoshima Y.,Hitotsubashi University | Matsushima K.,Tokushima University | Eto M.,JETRO - Japan External Trade Organization
International Journal of Environment and Sustainable Development | Year: 2013

This paper draws on data obtained from a questionnaire survey conducted for the 242 private R and D projects supported by NEDO (New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organisation), Japan's public management organisation promoting R and D, to explore how dependence on government support affects processes of private R and D projects and, in turn, the performance and commercialisation of developed technologies. Our analyses show that projects receiving more than a half of their entire R and D expenditures from NEDO tend to be isolated from in-house departments. Such isolation, derived mainly from the projects' unique positions in 'double dependence' structures, negatively affects project performance, especially those related to commercialisation, in two ways. First, high dependence on government resources prevents project members from interacting with people outside the project within the company. This inhibits project members from effectively leveraging internal resources -both technological and human- to overcome technological problems. Secondly, such high dependence weakens internal controls over project activities. This causes delayed development of marketable technologies and makes it difficult for projects to achieve justification for further investment required for commercialisation. Our findings suggest that for successful R and D leading to commercialisation, both companies and public funding agencies should encourage projects to maintain close relationships with other internal departments. Copyright © 2013 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd. Source


Meng B.,JETRO - Japan External Trade Organization | Xue J.,Nagoya University | Feng K.,University of Maryland College Park | Guan D.,University of Leeds | Fu X.,Shanghai Normal University
Energy Policy | Year: 2013

In this study, we apply the inter-regional input-output model to explain the relationship between China's inter-regional spillover of CO2 emissions and domestic supply chains for 2002 and 2007. Based on this model, we propose alternative indicators such as the trade in CO2 emissions, CO2 emissions in trade and the regional trade balances of CO2 emissions. Our results do not only reveal the nature and significance of inter-regional environmental spillover within China's domestic regions but also demonstrate how CO2 emissions are created and distributed across regions via domestic and global production networks. Results show that a region's CO2 emissions depend on its intra-regional production technology, energy use efficiency, as well as its position and participation degree in domestic and global supply chains. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. Source


Kashcheeva M.,JETRO - Japan External Trade Organization | Tsui K.K.,Clemson University
Energy Policy | Year: 2015

International politics affects the oil trade. But do financial and commercial traders who participate in spot oil trading also respond to changes in international politics? We construct a firm-level dataset for all U.S. oil-importing companies over 1986-2008 to examine how these firms respond to increases in "political distance" between the U.S. and her trading partners, measured by divergence in their UN General Assembly voting patterns. Consistent with previous macro evidence, we first show that individual firms diversify their oil imports politically, even after controlling for unobserved firm heterogeneity. However, the political pattern of oil imports is not entirely driven by the concerns of hold-up risks, which exist when oil transactions via term contracts are associated with backward vertical FDI that is subject to expropriation. In particular, our results indicate that even financial and commercial traders significantly reduce their oil imports from U.S. political enemies. Interestingly, while these traders diversify their oil imports politically immediately after changes in international politics, other oil companies reduce their oil imports with a significant time lag. Our findings suggest that in designing regulations to avoid harmful repercussions on commodity and financial assets, policymakers need to understand the nature of political risk. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. Source

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