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Goldthau A.,Central European University | Witte J.M.,Global Public Policy Institute
Global Policy | Year: 2011

This article examines OPEC's performance in regulating output and prices in the global oil market during its 50years of existence. In addition, it discusses key trends that are likely to determine OPEC's effectiveness in the years ahead, particularly climate change policies. We find that OPEC's ability to control the oil market singlehandedly has historically been limited, as a result of both internal collective action problems and external factors such as the rise of new producers. Furthermore, we find that climate change policies may negatively impact long-term planning security for investment and hence OPEC's ability to target price bands and smooth the oil market. We argue that OPEC will need to become more proactive in low-carbon policies to remain part of the decision making on future energy demand patterns that affects its main export product. We also submit that OPEC has a great role to play in fighting price volatility, a key concern for both producers and consumers, and that the best platform for enhanced efforts in this regard would probably be the International Energy Forum. © 2011 London School of Economics and Political Science and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Source


Stuenkel O.,Global Public Policy Institute
Global Governance | Year: 2013

The rise of the BRIC grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China) is one of the most commented on phenomena in international politics of the past years. Yet little is known about how and why institutionalized cooperation between the BRIC countries began. This article makes two arguments. First, an unprecedented combination in 2008-a profound financial crisis among developed countries, paired with relative economic stability among emerging powers-caused a legitimacy crisis of the international financial order, which led to equally unprecedented cooperation between emerging powers in the context of the BRIC grouping. The BRIC countries were able to use their temporarily increased bargaining power to become agenda setters at the time-culminating in the International Monetary Fund quota reforms agreed on in 2010. This shows that even short periods of reduced legitimacy in global governance can quickly lead to the rise of alternative institutions-such as, in the case of the crisis that began in 2008, the BRIC platform-which now forms part of the landscape of global governance. Second, intra-BRIC cooperation in the area of international finance enhanced trust among the BRIC countries and led to a broader type of cooperation in many other areas, suggesting the occurrence of spillover effects. Intra-BRICS cooperation (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) is therefore likely to continue, even after the conditions that facilitated its genesis-the crisis in the West-have disappeared. Source


Brockmeier S.,Global Public Policy Institute | Stuenkel O.,Getulio Vargas Foundation FGV | Tourinho M.,Graduate Institute
Global Society | Year: 2016

Resolution 1973, which authorised military intervention in Libya, marked the first time that the United Nations Security Council explicitly mandated the use of force against a functioning state to prevent imminent atrocity crimes. While some hailed the resolution and the subsequent intervention in Libya as a victory for the concept of the international community’s “responsibility to protect” (R2P), others predicted its early death. This article argues for a more nuanced view on the impact of the Libya intervention on the debates on R2P. As we will show, the intervention in Libya demonstrated new areas of agreement and at the same time revealed persisting and new disagreements within the international community on the role of the use of force to protect populations. © 2015 The Author(s). Source


Maurer T.,Washington Technology | Morgus R.,Washington Technology | Skierka I.,Global Public Policy Institute | Hohmann M.,Global Public Policy Institute
International Conference on Cyber Conflict, CYCON | Year: 2015

Following reports of foreign government surveillance starting in June 2013, senior officials and public figures in Europe have promoted proposals to achieve "technological sovereignty". This paper provides a comprehensive mapping and impact assessment of these proposals, ranging from technical ones, such as new undersea cables, encryption, and localized data storage, to non-technical ones, such as domestic industry support, international codes of conduct, and data protection laws. The analysis focused on the technical proposals reveals that most will not effectively protect against foreign surveillance. Ultimately, the security of data depends primarily not on where it is stored and sent but how it is stored and transmitted. In addition, some proposals could negatively affect the open and free Internet or lead to inefficient allocation of resources. Finally, proposals tend to focus on the transatlantic dimension, neglecting the broader challenge of foreign surveillance. © 2015 NATO CCD COE Publications, Tallinn. Source


Kurtz G.,Global Public Policy Institute | Rotmann P.,Global Public Policy Institute
Global Society | Year: 2016

Global expectations for protecting populations from mass atrocities have significantly expanded. This special issue analyses the debates about a “responsibility to protect” (R2P) that resulted from this normative change. At specific events throughout the past decade (the 2005 World Summit and the 2011 proposal for “responsibility while protecting” as well as crises in Darfur, Kenya, Myanmar, Georgia, Sri Lanka and Libya), the norms of protection have been contested and (re-)shaped. This introduction outlines the ideational origins of R2P, presents conceptual commonalities and summarises the cases’ contributions to a non-linear process of norm evolution. We find that despite expectations that the increased weight of “non-Western” powers would lead to the demise of humanitarian norms, the concern for atrocity prevention has become universal. However, that consensus is tied to a supportive relationship with sovereignty and thus privileges action against non-state actors, not repressive regimes. Effective and responsible means of implementation remain contested. © 2015 The Author(s). Source

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