News Article | April 18, 2017
The last two months have not been easy for Andrey Artemenko. On Feb. 19, the right-wing Ukrainian member of parliament was sucked into the scandal surrounding President Donald Trump and his alleged ties to Russia when the New York Times reported that Artemenko had served as a back channel between Moscow and Trump associates. In the aftermath of the report, Artemenko was forced out of his political faction in Ukraine, the far-right Radical Party, and the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine has opened an investigation into whether his diplomatic outreach, which was done without Kiev’s approval, constitutes treason. Despite the political firestorm, Artemenko is still shopping his proposal in Washington and insists that now is the time to find a resolution to the nearly three-year war in eastern Ukraine that has claimed more than 10,000 lives. In an interview with Foreign Policy, Artemenko denied any connections between him and the Kremlin, praised the early stages of the Trump presidency, and rebuffed elements of the Times report, saying he was unfairly caught up in a fight between the U.S. president and the “liberal media.” The lawmaker also accused Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko of not being interested in ending the war in the Donbass and said he was using Russia as an excuse to scapegoat his critics. “Anyone who has a personal opinion in Ukraine is automatically named a Russian spy,” Artemenko said. “But I don’t have any connections to Russia. That’s why I’m trying to involve the Trump administration on this issue and not the Kremlin.” Artemenko’s peace plan episode is just one small part of a rapidly mushrooming investigation in Washington over possible coordination between the Trump campaign and Russian intelligence to tilt the 2016 U.S. presidential election in Trump’s favor. But it’s also emblematic of another political fight unfolding against the backdrop of U.S. politics: the power struggle for the future of Ukraine. Since the 2014 Maidan revolution that ousted pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych, Washington has played an outsized role in Ukrainian domestic politics, where recognition and support from influential U.S. figures can make or break a politician’s career back home. The importance of these ties has taken on a new but uncertain dimension since the election of Trump in November 2016; a lack of clarity about the administration’s policies toward Kiev has been both a source of anxiety and opportunity for Ukraine’s political class. With key policy positions still unfilled at the State Department, many high-profile Ukrainians have sought back channels to the Trump administration to push for a solution to the war in Ukraine. That’s what Artemenko apparently did to pitch his loosely defined plan, which calls for Russian separatists to return eastern territory to Kiev, and the holding of a national referendum on leasing Crimea to Russia for an undetermined amount of time. “Maybe it’s dual management of Crimea, or maybe it’s a lease like the Panama Canal and Hong Kong,” said Artemenko, who prefers to call his proposal a “road map for peace” rather than a set plan. “It should be obvious that there is no military solution, only a diplomatic one.” Tall and brawny, Artemenko is a populist politician with ties to the far-right Ukrainian military-political group “Right Sector” and a member of the pro-Western opposition parliamentary coalition led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s party. In Kiev, he’s known for being outspoken and politically ambitious. The lawmaker also professes an affinity for Trump, saying he wants to “make Ukraine great again” and has been trying to make inroads with the real estate mogul since he was a presidential candidate. In July 2016, Artemenko traveled to Cleveland for the Republican National Convention and later attended Trump’s inauguration in January. Artemenko used these connections in late January to arrange a meeting with Michael Cohen, Trump’s longtime personal lawyer who currently works at the Republican National Committee, to pass his peace plan to Mike Flynn, who served about three weeks as Trump’s national security advisor. Flynn was forced to resign in early February over a separate Russia-related controversy, but the Times reported that Cohen said he had “hand-delivered” the plan in a sealed envelope to the now former national security advisor. Artemenko confirmed to FP that Trump associate Felix Sater had arranged a meeting with Cohen and that he was told details of the plan were relayed to Flynn, although he says no physical documents were passed at the sit-down in Manhattan. The Kremlin denied any knowledge of the plan, and Cohen walked back his initial comments, saying he hadn’t delivered the plan to Flynn or discussed it with anyone in the White House. The Times has stood by its reporting. The Times also reported that Artemenko said he “received encouragement for his plans from top aides to Mr. Putin” and that he “emerged from the opposition” nurtured in Ukraine by Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign manager who previously worked as political operative in Ukraine. Artemenko told FP that he had no contacts with any Russian officials and has never met or dealt with Manafort. Trump’s former campaign manager made millions of dollars in assisting the rise of Yanukovych and lobbied for several pro-Kremlin causes in Washington. Artemenko insists that his intentions in pushing a peace plan for Ukraine are in the country’s best interests. But political observers see his freelance diplomacy as part of a rising groundswell in Kiev against Poroshenko by opposition forces ahead of parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2019. “Alliances are shifting in Ukraine right now against Poroshenko,” said Balazs Jarabik, a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “All this diplomatic maneuvering in Washington needs to be viewed through this lens.” Artemenko has emerged as a vocal critic of Poroshenko and says he has evidence showing corruption by the Ukrainian president. Moreover, Artemenko claims to have offered to organize a meeting between Trump and Valeriy Chaly, Ukraine’s ambassador to Washington, during the campaign. Chaly refused, Artemenko told FP, saying the Ukrainian government was backing Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton at the time. “They said they didn’t want to meet Mr. Trump,” Artemenko said. The Ukrainian Embassy has denied the charges and said it did not support any candidate in the U.S. election. Frustration at the slow pace of change in Ukraine has seen Poroshenko’s approval ratings plummet, allowing rivals to try to fill the void. Artemenko, who is staunch ally of Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, a former head of Ukraine’s security service with lofty political ambitions, has aligned himself with other West-leaning populists like Tymoshenko. While it’s not saying much, she’s currently Ukraine’s most popular politician, with polls showing about 18 percent support for her party. Tymoshenko carried out some freelance diplomacy of her own on Feb. 2 when the former prime minister met Trump in Washington, before ever meeting Poroshenko or speaking with him on the phone. The conversation, which took place at the National Prayer Breakfast, was reportedly short and consisted of her seeking assurances that the Trump administration would “not abandon” Ukraine or lift sanctions on Russia. But the meetings worked to send a message back home that Tymoshenko was ascendant. Despite the backlash he has faced, Artemenko is still optimistic about his proposal, saying he has discussed it with the office of Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio), who has sponsored a resolution reaffirming support for Ukraine and outlining measures to stop the conflict. Artemenko says elements of his plan influenced the Portman measure. A spokesperson from Portman’s office confirmed meeting Artemenko but told FP that his peace plan is not part of the resolution. Back in Kiev, Artemenko has his sights on the upcoming elections, saying he will continue to push for a resolution to the war in the Donbass and that he plans to start his own political party. “I am clear and sure that I am going the right way,” Artemenko said.
News Article | May 24, 2017
25 May, Washington, US, and online. TRADE, SECURITY, AND THE U.S.-MEXICO RELATIONSHIP. This event is being organised by the Brookings Institution’s Mexico Initiative and will feature a series of panel discussions that will explore the various dimensions of the US-Mexico relationship, including on trade. Please note that the event will also be webcast live. To learn more and to register, please visit the Brookings website. 25 May, Geneva, Switzerland. GLOBAL HEALTH R&D: HOW CAN WE BEST SET PRIORITIES BASED ON EVIDENCE? This event is being organised by the governments of Switzerland and South Africa, as well as the European Commission, and will be hosted by the Global Health Centre. The meeting will examine research and development (R&D) activities within the context of global health, examining different initiatives that are currently in place to help in setting priorities for future R&D financing. To learn more and to register, please visit the event website. 29-31 May, Dakar, Senegal. PRACTICAL WORKSHOP ON INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY, TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND TRADITIONAL CULTURAL EXPRESSIONS. This workshop is being organised by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and will focus on building knowledge and exchanging views on the subjects of traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions. To learn more, visit the WIPO website. 31 May-1 June, Almaty, Kazakhstan. WORKSHOP: EFFICIENT MANAGEMENT OF STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES. This workshop is being organised by the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) and will examine the challenges and prospects for reforming state-owned enterprises in Asia. The event will bring together government representatives from various countries in the region. Please note that attendance is by invitation only. For more information, please visit the ADBI website. An updated list of forthcoming WTO meetings is posted here. Please bear in mind that dates and times of WTO meetings are often changed, and that the WTO does not always announce the important informal meetings of the different bodies. Unless otherwise indicated, all WTO meetings are held at the WTO, Centre William Rappard, rue de Lausanne 154, 1211 Geneva, Switzerland, and are open to WTO members and accredited observers only. 30 May: Workshop on Aid for Trade 31 May: Committee on Trade and Development – Session on Aid for Trade 1 June: Working Party on the Accession of Comoros 2 June, Washington, US. INDIA’S SEARCH FOR PROSPERITY. This event is being organised by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and will feature economist Vijay Joshi as the guest speaker. Joshi will lead a discussion based on his book, India’s Long Road: The Search for Prosperity, which examines the evolution of the Indian economy and the roles of different actors in this context. Joshi will be part of a panel featuring speakers from the International Monetary Fund and the Carnegie Endowment. To learn more and to register, please visit the Carnegie website. 12 June, Geneva, Switzerland. DISCIPLINING FOSSIL FUEL SUBSIDIES: A CONTRIBUTION OF THE TRADE SYSTEM TO CLIMATE MITIGATION AND SDGS. This roundtable is being organised by the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD) as part of the E15 Initiative, which is jointly implemented with the World Economic Forum. The focus of this event will be looking at trade tools and how these can be used to help discipline subsidies for fossil fuels. The meeting will include both WTO negotiators and experts in the field. Please note that attendance is by invitation only. To learn more, visit the ICTSD website. 14 June, London, UK. BREXIT, TRUMP AND THE FUTURE OF THE TRANSATLANTIC ALLIANCE. This Chatham House event will examine the implications of Brexit and the election of US President Donald Trump for the bilateral relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States. The event’s guest speaker will be Sir Nigel Sheinwald GCMG, who is a Visiting Professor at King’s College London Department of War Studies, and was previously the UK’s ambassador to the United States and the UK’s permanent representative to the European Union. Please note that attendance is by invitation only. To learn more, visit the Chatham House website. 20 June, Brussels, Belgium. INTERNATIONAL FORUM ON WOMEN AND TRADE. This event is being hosted jointly by the European Commission and the International Trade Centre, bringing together stakeholders from a range of backgrounds with the goal of building support for empowering women through trade. A full event agenda is available online. To learn more and the register, please visit the European Commission website. 30 June – 2 July, Geneva, Switzerland. FIFTH GLOBAL REVIEW OF AID FOR TRADE: “REDUCING TRADE COSTS FOR INCLUSIVE, SUSTAINABLE GROWTH.” This biennial WTO event will feature over 50 sessions focusing on the Aid for Trade Initiative, as well as how to address the issue of trade costs in the context of the UN’s Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and the related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Please note that registration closes on 26 June. To learn more, please visit the WTO website. 26-28 September, Geneva, Switzerland. WTO PUBLIC FORUM 2017. This year’s edition of the WTO’s outreach event will have as its theme “Trade: Behind the Headlines.” The meeting will aim to look at the real-life implications of trade, as opposed to rhetoric, and will also look at how trade can support the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and related issues. A call for proposals is currently open for those who wish to organise sessions at this year’s forum, with a due date of 4 June 2017. To learn more, please visit the WTO website.
News Article | May 14, 2017
US President Donald Trump (R) welcomes Chinese President Xi Jinping to the Mar-a-Lago estate in West Palm Beach, Florida (AFP Photo/JIM WATSON) Washington (AFP) - The new trade agreement unveiled Friday between China and the United States is yet another olive branch from the Trump White House to Beijing, but some skeptics wonder how long the cooperative tone will last. One thing is sure: the initial measures of the 100-day action plan launched in mid-April by China and the United States stand in stark contrast with the anti-Chinese rhetoric Donald Trump used on the campaign trail. The president has significantly softened his stance, declining last month to declare China a currency manipulator -- one of the most strident pledges he made as a candidate. And, at least at first glance, the new Sino-American trade deal appears to have vindicated this softer approach that is starting to bear fruit. "We have made...more progress in 40 days than the prior trade negotiators had in this century," Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross said recently on Fox News. The two-page plan of action calls for the lifting of the 13-year embargo Beijing had kept on American beef, as well as gradually opening the Chinese market to certain US financial services. "It's impossible to overstate how beneficial this will be for America's cattle producers," said Craig Uden, president of the National Cattlemen's Beef Association, adding that he was eager to court 1.4 billion new consumers in China. As important as they may be, these developments are not entirely new. Plans to lift the beef embargo had already been agreed to in principle last September under former President Barack Obama. The only truly new development was the plan to speed up direct exports of American liquefied natural gas to China, delighting some in the American hydrocarbon industry. "It's a strong signal from both governments that there is a real interest in using LNG produced in the US in China," Charlie Riedl, director of the Center for Liquefied Natural Gas, told AFP. As for the Chinese, they got the US to lift trade barriers to Chinese exports of cooked poultry, a concession that does not appear to worry US producers. "It would serve a niche market and we don't think that it would be a problem for our domestic industry," said Jim Sumner, director of the USA Poultry and Egg Export Council. According to Douglas Paal, a China expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, these achievements are the low-hanging fruit. "It's not negative but it's not a major step," he said. "These are the easy steps. The heavy work hasn't started yet." Indeed, the agreement does not touch on theft of intellectual property or the American manufacturing sector, which has suffered most of all from Chinese competition -- and which Trump had promised to rescue on his arrival in the White House. Imports of Chinese-manufactured goods are nevertheless blamed for the colossal US trade gap in goods with China, which stood at $347 billion in 2016. Trump has vowed to reduce it. "For American manufacturing, there's not a lot there although I'm not terribly surprised," said Scott Paul of the Alliance for American Manufacturing. "Those issues are going to be much harder to solve." Paul said the Trump administration may need to get tougher, even threaten sanctions or fresh trade barriers, to win concessions from Beijing. "The administration may need to take a more aggressive stance," he said. Analysts say that, despite its repeated promises on joining the World Trade Organization in 2001, China has still not honored promises to open its markets to foreign competition. "There's a lot of skepticism about whether or not China will really follow through," said Paal.
Mao X.,Beijing Normal University |
Yang S.,Beijing Normal University |
Liu Q.,Beijing Normal University |
Liu Q.,CAS Chengdu Institute of Mountain Hazards and Environment |
And 2 more authors.
Environmental Science and Policy | Year: 2012
Transportation in China has joined the power generation as well as the steel and iron industries as one of the major CO 2 emission sectors. To determine the effective policy instrument(s) for reducing CO 2 emission, various policy instruments, which are likely to be implemented in the near future or have been implemented in China, are examined and compared. These instruments include carbon tax, energy tax, fuel tax, clean energy vehicle subsidy, and reduction on ticket price. The CIMS model system is employed as the simulation vehicle to predict the emission dynamics of CO 2 and local air pollutants under business-as-usual and policy scenarios for the transportation sector of China from 2008 to 2050. The 2020 CO 2 reduction target is set according to the national carbon intensity reduction pledge of China. The policy instruments proposed in the present research can all help mitigate the CO 2 emission intensity of the Chinese transportation industry to different extents, and then induce the co-benefits of local air pollutants reduction. Among these policy instruments, energy and fuel taxes, with the tax rates set, are the two most promising instruments for CO 2 emission intensity reduction to reach the 2020 carbon intensity reduction targets, whereas subsidies are the least promising options. CO 2 tax could be an effective policy tool, but with the suggested low tax rate during discussions in China, it is unlikely that the transportation sector would significantly contribute to achieving a desirable carbon intensity reduction. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd.
News Article | November 13, 2015
What will it take to limit global warming and the risk of catastrophic outcomes? Can the world unite behind a plan to limit greenhouse gases? That is the challenge before the world leaders who will gather in Paris in December to negotiate an agreement on climate. Many of those leaders have already revealed the voluntary commitments they are prepared to make during those negotiations, known as the 2015 Paris Climate Conference, the 21st annual Conference of Parties, or COP21. Now, a study led by MIT researchers, in consultation with researchers from Tsinghua University in China, attempts to quantify the potential impact of those commitments. Specifically, the researchers find that, all told, the known commitments could result in the significant expansion of solar and wind energy technologies, driving cost reductions and growth in the adoption and installation of these technologies. The report, “Technology improvement and emissions reductions as mutually reinforcing efforts: Observations from the global development of solar and wind energy,” is global in scope and was released in Washington this afternoon, during an update on the state of clean energy technologies in the United States by the U.S. Department of Energy at an event hosted by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “Our research finds that commitments offered in advance of the Paris meetings provide an opportunity to support major growth and innovation in low-carbon energy. Technology-improvement trends also suggest the potential for strengthening global ambitions further. Ultimately, the goal of global efforts on climate change should be to achieve a self-sustaining, virtuous cycle of emissions reduction and low-carbon technology development,” said Jessika Trancik, the Atlantic Richfield Assistant Professor of Energy Studies at the MIT Institute for Data, Systems and Society (IDSS). “Given recent trends and future commitments, this appears increasingly realistic. Climate negotiations offer an opportunity to achieve this goal.” The white paper examines the evolution of solar and wind technology installation levels, policy, and cost performance in recent decades. In addition to these data, the researchers use public information gathered from nations’ voluntary commitments in advance of the negotiations for modeling, and conclude that solar and wind energy are poised for major growth if nations can promote a combination of global knowledge-sharing, global access to financing, and further development technologies such as energy storage that address intermittency of wind and solar. The researchers describe how the deployment of the low-carbon energy technologies necessary to achieving greenhouse gas emissions cuts helps bring about cost reductions that in turn will make further emissions cuts feasible. They find that climate negotiations may provide an opportunity to take advantage of this reinforcement effect and drive down the cost of mitigating carbon emissions by 2030 with concerted global efforts. Furthermore, these cost reductions can be accelerated if countries increase their commitments to deploying renewable and other clean energy technologies. Members of the core research team include MIT graduate students Patrick Brown, Magdalena Klemun, Goksin Kavlak, and Joel Jean. Other MIT contributing authors included postdoc James McNerney and graduate students Morgan Edwards, Marco Miotti, Joshua Mueller, and Zachary Needell. Trancik and others on the research team are affiliated with the MIT Energy Initiative (MITEI) and IDSS. The MIT team collaborated with a team led by Professor Ye Qi of Brookings Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, including Jiaqi Lu, Xiaofan Zhao, and Tong Wu. An executive summary and a full version of the report are available via the MITEI website.
News Article | November 11, 2016
San Francisco Business Times cites Siebel's effectiveness as a leader, high esteem in the business community, the health of the companies he's led, and his commitment to philanthropy REDWOOD CITY, CA--(Marketwired - November 11, 2016) - C3 IoT CEO Thomas M. Siebel received the 2016 Most Admired CEO Lifetime Achievement award from the San Francisco Business Times. At a gala awards and dinner ceremony held yesterday in San Francisco, Siebel accepted the award from long-time colleague, collaborator, and friend Patricia House, who described Siebel's impact on the technology industry and the community at large. "Tom's leadership at Oracle, Siebel Systems, and now C3 IoT is characterized by his unwavering commitment to building global companies known for excellence, quality, integrity, and performance," said Pat House, Executive Vice Chairman of C3 IoT, Chairman of the Mary Mae Foundation, and member of the boards of directors of the Hewlett Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "Tom leads by example in all regards -- his work ethic, quality of work product, commitment to customer success, and high levels of professionalism. At C3 IoT, Tom is again prepared to establish and maintain a global market leadership position in next-generation enterprise software. He is building another great company that will change the face of computing and benefit customers, employees, and our global society." Siebel is founder and CEO of C3 IoT, which provides enterprise Internet of Things application software that employs advanced analytics and machine learning at scale to deliver actionable business insights. He was founder, chairman, and CEO of Siebel Systems, one of the world's leading business software companies, with more than 8,000 employees in 32 countries, 4,500 customers, and annual revenue in excess of $2 billion when it merged with Oracle Corporation in 2006. He serves on the College of Engineering boards at the University of Illinois and the University of California at Berkeley. He is a director of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University and is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Siebel is the founder and chairman of the Thomas and Stacey Siebel Foundation. Established in 1996, the Foundation funds projects to support energy solutions, educational and research programs, public health, and the homeless and underprivileged. In 2015 the Foundation launched the Siebel Energy Institute, a global consortium for innovative and collaborative energy research for the public domain. The Siebel Energy Institute fosters research collaboration among premier universities and spurs the greatest minds in engineering and computer science to address the most pressing energy challenges of our time. He is a graduate of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, where he received a Bachelor of Arts in History, an M.B.A., and a Master of Science in Computer Science. "We selected Tom Siebel for this honor based on the longevity of his career, health of the companies he's led, including C3 IoT, his effectiveness as a leader, high esteem in the business community, and tremendous commitment to philanthropy in the fields of education, environment, healthcare, energy, fighting poverty, and beyond," said San Francisco Business Times publisher Mary Huss. "Tom embodies the attributes of exceptional leadership -- strong values, clear vision, innovation, integrity, and community contribution. We are proud to honor his talent and passion for building strong, vibrant organizations and inspiring employees to ever-higher performance." The San Francisco Business Times is a local business news media operation that includes a weekly newspaper, online news site, daily email news products and events. It is one of 40 regional newspapers published by American City Business Journals. The weekly San Francisco Business Times reaches more than 87,000 readers in the Bay Area. More information is at http://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco. C3 IoT provides a full-stack IoT development platform (PaaS) that enables the rapid design, development, and deployment of even the largest-scale big data / IoT applications that leverage telemetry, elastic cloud computing, analytics, and machine learning to apply the power of predictive analytics to any business value chain. C3 IoT also provides a family of turn-key SaaS IoT applications including predictive maintenance, fraud detection, sensor network health, supply chain optimization, investment planning, and customer engagement. More information is at http://C3IoT.com.
Jaccard M.,Simon Fraser University |
Tu J.,Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Global Environmental Change | Year: 2011
China is the world's largest carbon dioxide (CO 2) emitter and its energy system is dominated by coal. For China to dramatically reduce its greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions over the next few decades, it must either replace most of its uses of coal with energy supplies from renewables and nuclear power or install demonstration-size and then scaled-up carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies. Currently, China is pushing ahead with increased investment in renewables and nuclear power and with demonstration CCS projects. This strategy is consistent with a country that seeks to be ready in case global pressures prompt it to launch an aggressive GHG reduction effort while also not going so fast that it reduces the likelihood of receiving substantial financial support from wealthier countries, as it feels it is entitled to as a developing country. At such a time, given the magnitude of the coal resource in China, and the country's lack of other energy resources, it is likely the Chinese will make a substantial effort to develop CCS before taking the much more difficult step of trying to phase-out almost all use of coal in the span of just a few decades in a country that is so dependent on this domestically abundant and economically affordable resource. © 2011 Elsevier Ltd.
Acton J.M.,Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Science and Global Security | Year: 2015
The United States, Russia and China are developing hypersonic boost-glide vehicles. A simple model of their trajectory is developed by assuming that the vehicle does not oscillate during the transition to equilibrium gliding. This model is used to analyze U.S. Department of Defense data on test flights for the Hypersonic Technology Vehicle-2. This glider’s lift-to-drag ratio—a key performance parameter—is estimated to be 2.6. The model is also used to calculate the tactical warning time that a boostglide attack would afford an adversary. Other aspects of boost-glide weapons’ military effectiveness are explored. Approximate calculations suggest that, compared to existing non-nuclear weapons, boost-glide weapons could penetrate more deeply but would be less effective at destroying silos. The distance at which a boost-glide weapon armed with a particle dispersion warhead could destroy a mobile missile is also calculated; it is expected to be significantly larger than for an explosive warhead. © 2015, Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. | Date: 2013-02-14
Electronic publications, namely, newsletters, alerts, and RSS feeds featuring information on domestic and international foreign policy issues and recorded on computer media; digital materials, namely, downloadable audio files, video files, webcasts, podcasts, multimedia files, text files, and MP3 files, featuring information on domestic and international foreign policy issues. Printed materials, namely, booklets, pamphlets, policy briefs, research reports, conference reports, surveys, and book catalogs featuring domestic and international foreign policy issues. Promoting public awareness of domestic and international foreign policy issues. Educational services, namely, organizing and conducting conferences, symposiums, seminars, forums, classes, workshops, and academic fellowship programs on domestic and international foreign policy issues; research services in the field of foreign policy; publication of the books of others featuring domestic and international foreign policy issues.